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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
Time: 9:38 pm
Time: 9:38 pm
Results for violence crime
8 results foundAuthor: Gratius, Susanne Title: Youth, Identity and Security: Synthesis Report Summary: The latest synthesis report summarizes the research that was produced as part of the cluster on youth, identity and security of the Initiative for Peacebuilding – Early Warning Analysis to Action (IfP-EW). The cluster scrutinized different approaches toward youth and urban violence with a special focus on the gender perspective. This latest report combines the results of case studies conducted as part of the project and provides recommendations for European policy-makers. Today, rapid and unregulated urbanization and chronic urban violence are some of the leading concerns of policy-makers. Urban centres are home to half of the world’s population and some of the world’s highest homicide rates occur in urban areas of countries which are not at war. The report Youth, Identity and Security deals with the diverse approaches to youth and urban violence based on case studies in eight countries: Brazil, Cape Verde, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guinea-Bissau, Honduras, Mozambique and Venezuela. Though violence outbreaks occur predominantly in underprivileged neighbourhoods in developing countries, the report underlines that it is not so much poverty or “underdevelopment” which foster urban youth violence. The social status and the possibilities of being a gang member appeal young people and motivate them to resort to violence. The report argues that policy-makers, both at the national and international level, should not consider violent youth as isolated target groups or as threats. Rather, they should be perceived as mirroring society itself and as indicators of discriminatory state policies. The report calls for a paradigm shift in approaching urban violence: considering it a product of socio-economic and political reality rather than exclusively a public security issue. It should therefore be treated as a horizontal issue, concerning not only the justice and public security policy sectors, but also education, employment and health. Details: Brussels: Initiative for Peacebuilding - Early Warning, 2012. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 17, 2013 at: http://www.interpeace.org/2011-08-08-15-19-20/latest-news/2012/358-youth-identity-and-security Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.interpeace.org/2011-08-08-15-19-20/latest-news/2012/358-youth-identity-and-security Shelf Number: 129435 Keywords: Urban AreasUrban ViolenceViolence (International)Violence Crime |
Author: Owens, Kaitlin Title: Honduras: Journalism in the Shadow of Impunity Summary: This report examines the surge in violence directed against journalists following the ouster of President Jose Manuel Zelaya in June 2009. Since then at least 32 Honduran journalists have been killed and many more continue to work in a climate of fear and self-censorship. Reporters who cover corruption and organized crime are routinely targeted for their work and attacked or killed with almost complete impunity. The sources of the violence against journalists are varied. Transnational drug cartels have infiltrated the country so effectively that the present crisis in Honduras cannot be understood in isolation from its Central American neighbours. That said, it is also clear that the absence of reliable institutions has allowed the violence to escalate far more rapidly than many anticipated. Much of the violence is produced by the state itself, perhaps most significantly by a corrupt police force. In a special report on police criminality in Honduras, the Tegucigalpa-based Violence Observatory (Observatorio de Violencia) found that between January 2011 and November 2012 police officers killed 149 civilians, approximately six per month. The taint of corruption and a culture of impunity have undermined trust among state agencies and public confidence in key institutions. Public distrust of the police is so great that crimes are rarely reported. Moreover, due to widespread corruption and inefficiency among the force, only an estimated 20 per cent of crime is reported, and of that less than four per cent gets investigated. According to the State's own statistics, less than one per cent of all crime in Honduras is subject to a police investigation. Procedural flaws are evident throughout the system. Police often say an investigation is underway when there is none; the office of the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights (Fiscala Especial de Derechos Humanos) does not have the jurisdiction to try those responsible for the murders of journalists, and lacks resources to conduct even the most basic investigations into other human rights violations. On the other hand, while some legal initiatives are under-resourced, there is also a proliferation of competing agencies that notionally address the same problem. This has created a situation in which institutional responsibility has been so widely diffused that no one is ultimately accountable for the high level of impunity. With current levels of funding, the office of the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights, which was nominally responsible for over 7,000 investigations in 2012, can only investigate a small percentage of these cases each year. While the office continues to operate with a serious shortage of funds, the Honduran state is able to argue that it has made progress in addressing human rights violations through the establishment of a Special Prosecutor for Human Rights. Given these crises, this report finds that the Honduran judiciary faces significant challenges in establishing an independent legal culture capable of ensuring accountability for human rights abuses. Furthermore, legal mechanisms to protect journalists are needlessly complicated and often confusing. Even international mechanisms such as the precautionary measures issued by the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (iachr) are poorly understood by local police and, at least as currently implemented, offer little real protection. Deep divisions among the journalists themselves hinder the fight against impunity. A striking absence of camaraderie within the profession has impaired its ability to collaborate effectively in protesting violence against journalists and in promoting protection mechanisms. Mutual suspicion is evident in many journalists' scepticism towards the official Association of Journalists of Honduras (Colegio de Periodistas de Honduras - cph) - an institution that has noticeably failed in its legislative mandate to "promote solidarity and mutual assistance among the media." This failure has meant that there is no united front pressing for greater accountability and an end to the violence. The coup that unseated President Zelaya in 2009 brought these problems into the spotlight, but the roots of the crisis lie further back in Honduras' history, notably in its failure during the demilitarization process that began in the 1980s to hold those who had committed serious human rights violations accountable for their actions. A legacy of failed reforms left the state incapable of dealing with rights violations that took place during and after the 2009 coup. As a result, the recent wave of murderous violence has been met with a familiar mixture of inadequate resources, bureaucratic ineptitude, blame-shifting and denial. The coup interrupted the demilitarization of Honduras. One human rights worker we interviewed spoke of the return of a security-state mindset in which peaceful dissent is often met with reflexive violence. Others noted that the re-emergence of the security state had been justified - as in Colombia and Mexico - as an antidote to pervasive corruption and organized crime. But the real lesson to be drawn from the use of force to compensate for the failures of transitional justice is that state actors no longer need to fear being held to account for their actions. As Bertha Oliva, co-ordinator of the Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared in Honduras (Comite de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos en Honduras - cofadeh) put it: "When we allow impunity for human rights violations, we see the crimes of the past translated into the crimes of the future." Details: Toronto: PEN Canada; London: PEN International, 2014. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 7, 2014 at: http://www.pen-international.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Honduras-Journalism-in-the-Shadow-of-Impunity1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.pen-international.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Honduras-Journalism-in-the-Shadow-of-Impunity1.pdf Shelf Number: 132630 Keywords: Drug CartelsHomicidesHuman Rights AbusesJournalistsOrganized CrimePolitical CorruptionViolence Violence Crime |
Author: McMillon, David Title: Modeling the Underlying Dynamics of the Spread of Crime Summary: The spread of crime is a complex, dynamic process that calls for a systems level approach. Here, we build and analyze a series of dynamical systems models of the spread of crime, imprisonment and recidivism, using only abstract transition parameters. To find the general patterns among these parameters - patterns that are independent of the underlying particulars - we compute analytic expressions for the equilibria and for the tipping points between high-crime and low-crime equilibria in these models. We use these expressions to examine, in particular, the effects of longer prison terms and of increased incarceration rates on the prevalence of crime, with a follow-up analysis on the effects of a Three-Strike Policy. Details: PLoS ONE, 9(4): e88923 Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 22, 2014 at: http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0088923 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0088923 Shelf Number: 133795 Keywords: PrisonersPrisonsPunishment (U.S.)SentencingThree-Strikes LegislationViolence Crime |
Author: Peeters, Timo Title: Truce on a tightrope: risks and lessons from El Salvador's bid to end gang warfare Summary: On 14 March 2012, current affairs website Elfaro broke the story of a truce facilitated by the government between El Salvador's two most powerful gangs, leading to an instant reduction in the country's homicides. Over one and a half years later, the truce is still intact. However, the government's reluctance to take full responsibility for the pacification process, the lack of a comprehensive policy to address root causes of violence, and the fear that the process might strengthen gangs by giving them political power have placed numerous pitfalls in its path. Neither the El Salvadorean public nor the inter-national community is united in its support for negotiating with the maras. Even so, the truce serves as an important example of a more balanced approach to gang violence, and a source of insight into how local patterns of marginalisation and crime, fuelled by rapid urbanisation of the world's population, may on occasion be managed through dialogue. Details: The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2013. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: CRU Policy Brief No. 27: Accessed April 2, 2015 at: http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/CRU%20Policy%20Brief%2027.pdf Year: 2013 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/CRU%20Policy%20Brief%2027.pdf Shelf Number: 135130 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsHomicidesViolenceViolence Crime |
Author: Carapic, Jovana Title: Violent Deaths Due to Legal Interventions Summary: Killings during 'legal interventions' - the 'killing of civilians by law enforcement officials, or killings of law enforcement officials on duty' -accounted for an estimated 19,000 violent deaths each year during 2007-2012; which is 4 per cent of the 508,000 total violent deaths each year during that period. Such events raise questions about security policy, the role and accountability of the state and law enforcement agencies, the legitimacy of certain state actions, and potential avenues for security sector reform. The use of lethal force by law enforcement officers, including their use of firearms, may be the norm in situations where police face high levels of violence and where law enforcement agencies have adopted highly militarized tactics, however police forces operating under other circumstances seldom resort to the use of firearms. Violent Deaths due to Legal Interventions, a new Research Note by the Small Arms Survey and the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development, summarizes key findings of the research on legal interventions conducted for the 2011 and 2015 editions of the Global Burden of Armed Violence, with a view to advancing the debate on the coherence, comprehensiveness, and comparability of relevant data within and across countries. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Research Notes No. 53: Accessed August 5, 2015 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-53.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-53.pdf Shelf Number: 136342 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolence CrimeWeapons |
Author: Werblow, Jacob Title: Continuing the Dream: The Effect of Kingian Nonviolence on Youth Affected by Incarceration Summary: The ThinKING program was presented as a three-week course in Kingian Nonviolence to self-selected high school students enrolled in the City of Hartford's Summer Youth Employment and Learning Program (SYELP). Thirty-two students, nearly half of which were children of incarcerated parents (CIP) and many of whom had an incarcerated family member, enrolled during the summer of 2012. The Connecticut Center for Nonviolence (CTCN) developed the ThinKING curriculum based off the Kingian nonviolence Leaders Manual (LaFayette & Jehnsen, 1995). Youth participating in the program received over 80 hours of instruction, involving Kingian Nonviolence Conflict Reconciliation curriculum (level-I), daily arts enrichment, and weekly structured group therapy conversations about incarceration and violence. Twenty-six students successfully completed the program and received certification in Thinking Level-I Kingian Nonviolence Conflict Reconciliation. Pre-and post-test results strongly indicate that the three-week program significantly increased intentions to use nonviolent strategies for the youth and also increased youth's self-efficacy, including confidence in their ability to stay out of fights. After completing the three-week training, youth were 92% less likely to define violence as only a physical act and 81% more likely to describe violence as something that is both physical and nonphysical (both). When asked, "The last time you were in a serious conflict situation, what was the conflict about? How did you respond?" There was no change in the number of students who responded with physical violence; however, there was a 325% increase in the number of participants reporting that they had deescalated the conflict, and a 75% reduction in the number of participants who said they had escalated the situation. These findings suggest that the ThinKING program is a promising strategy for violence prevention for youth with incarcerated parents or family members. Details: New Haven, CT: Institute for Municipal and Regional Policy and the Connecticut Center for Nonviolence, 2013. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 18, 2015 at: http://www.ctcip.org/publications/imrp/ Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ctcip.org/publications/imrp/ Shelf Number: 136828 Keywords: At-Risk YouthChildren of PrisonersDelinquency PreventionViolenceViolence CrimeViolence Prevention |
Author: Ueberall, Stephanie Title: Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews. Volume 2: CompStat for Violence Prevention Programs Summary: Although there have been significant recent investments by policymakers and funders - ranging from organizing task forces and work groups, to deploying new law enforcement strategies, to implementing programmatic interventions - New York City's ability to fully understand and diagnose its crew problem is hindered by a lack of data and coordination. While the NYPD collects data on crew members and related criminal activity, law enforcement data are typically insufficient to inform comprehensive responses because it is collected for the purpose of informing suppression and investigation strategies. At the same time, community-based organizations collect a range of data about the underlying needs of the individuals involved, but often lack the capacity to analyze and communicate these data to inform policy and programming decisions. Further, the City lacks a collaborative effort among stakeholders dedicated to addressing this problem. Preventing crew violence cannot be accomplished by a single agency or organization. Effective solutions require the combination of insight, hard work, and dedication from a wide variety of organizations and stakeholders. New York City should immediately mobilize stakeholders to take steps toward developing a comprehensive strategy to address the city's crew violence problem. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol2-Compstat.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol2-Compstat.pdf Shelf Number: 137682 Keywords: CompstatCrime AnalysisGang Violence Gangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Violence CrimeViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Weare, Siobhan Title: The Socio-Legal Response(s) to Women Who Kill: A proposed model for acknowledging their agency Summary: This thesis will explore the socio-legal response(s) to women who kill. Interrogating the constructions of "woman" and "femininity" within criminal legal discourse it will argue that the agency (that is, the ability of an individual to choose to act in a particular way) of women who kill is denied, both passively and actively within criminal legal discourse. It will be argued that denying the agency of women who kill is problematic for numerous reasons, including but not limited to, the construction and reinforcement of gender discourse surrounding femininity and issues of justice both being done and being seen to be done for women who kill and for their victims. In order to address these issues, this thesis will therefore propose an agency-based model for women who kill, which will interrupt both the passive and active agency denials which currently exist for these women. Details: Lancaster University, 2014. 320p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed November 21, 2017 at: http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/74373/1/2015WearePhD.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/74373/1/2015WearePhD.pdf Shelf Number: 148286 Keywords: Female OffendersHomicideMurderViolence Crime |